The
global strategy of the Islamic State to compensate for the loss of
sovereignty over Syrian and Iraqi territories is based on confrontation
within Islamic radicalism, to assume a position of pre-eminence within
groups rooted in national realities. If
the aim in Afghanistan is the Taliban, in Palestine it is the Hamas
organization, this because the Islamic State intends to carry on a
battle outside the nationalities to follow the affirmation of a
transnational Islamism, where the local claims are seen as an obstacle to the spread of the holy war. The
fact that both the Taliban and Hamas are among the Sunnis (even if the
Taliban of a different current) does not take them away from an open
hostility of the caliphate forces, which tries to make the comparison
more extreme, also with a view to spreading the their ideals through the weakening of those organizations that can potentially steal recruits and investments. It becomes singular that both the Taliban and Hamas, are united to the Shiites and Christians, as objectives to be fought. If
the Islamic State were to continue in this strategy and win some
success, the danger of progressive destabilization could be very
concrete; in this context the declaration of war on Hamas contains important implications that must not be underestimated. First
of all, the Islamic State is trying to settle in the territory of the
Sinai Peninsula: it is a strategic area to attack Hamas, Egypt and even
Israel itself, which is the most important media target. Nor
is the will to try to enter Egypt to proselytize, in a country that is
going to the elections and where the discontent of the Muslim
Brotherhood could offer an opportunity to be channeled towards
terrorism. Concerning
Hamas, the criticism of the Islamic State also relates to the alliance
that the Palestinian organization has underway with Iran and Hezbollah,
both of them Shiite. The
approach of Hamas, whose members are Sunni, to the Shiites has been a
forced move since all three subjects have as main enemy the Israeli
state. One
of the consequences and also of the responsibilities of Tel Aviv and
Washington was precisely to push Hamas to Iran, due to the senseless
policy of expansion in the Palestinian territories, the discrimination
of the population of the Gaza Strip and, lastly, the unilateral recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of the Jewish state by the United States. This
contributed to the success, albeit limited for now, of the Islamic
State among the Palestinians, who see in the caliphate a sort of last
chance to fight Israel effectively. For
now in Tel Aviv they do not seem to be worried by the presence of the
Islamic State a few kilometers from the Israeli territory, in fact the
greatest fears always concern the threatening presence of Hamas; this
detail could see favorably, on the Israeli side, an increase in the
confrontation between the Islamic State and Hamas with a view to
downsizing the Palestinian organization. This
eventual attitude, added to an underestimation of the presence of the
Islamic State in Sinai could prove to be very dangerous for the regional
balances and the security of Israel. On
the other possible reasons of the confrontation with Hamas, by the
caliphate, it should be remembered that in the initial phase the Islamic
State has probably received funding from several Sunni states, which
aimed to bring down the Assad regime and destabilize the Sunni part of
Iraq , for the presence in Bagadad of a government expressing the Shiites. The
danger that this part of history will repeat itself, even given the
different attitude of the White House, in function against Iran and
therefore against Teheran's allies is a possibility not to be discarded,
given that the balance of the region has not settled at all despite the
end, or presumed, of the Syrian conflict. Maneuvering
a group like the Islamic State, made up of fanatics often devoted to
martyrdom, does not seem too difficult, more complicated would be to
remedy the possible disasters caused by a possible support to the
caliphate.
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