Germany: the great coalition opens at the end of austerity also in Europe

Germany is heading towards the great coalition, not without various difficulties, not only in the Social Democratic electorate, but in the overall electorate. In fact, about 54% of Germans would be against the government solution to which the country is headed and recent surveys have predicted that in the event of new elections, the two major parties would fail to reach the quota needed to govern. In this context the necessary research of the balance between the two parties must aim at the internal mutation of each team and the most precarious one appears to be the social democratic one. It is no coincidence that Schultz is, with respect to Merkel, the most active in communicating the results achieved: having agreed with the former chancellor the end of austerity should be the argument to convince that part of his party against the great coalition. The young Social Democrats remain the most adverse to the political solution that is emerging, first of all because they did not want to leave the role of main opposition party to the extreme right and then because they were disappointed by the results of the previous government, whose formation is identical to what is being created. In fact, the Social Democrats, in the executive past, have had to give approval to a right-wing economic policy, contrary to their nature, which has exacerbated the social differences in the country, practicing a policy based on the containment of inflation, which has favored the income higher and deriving from capital and not from labor; this is the main reason for the division within German social democracy. The failure of the previous attempt, which was to see a government formed by the Christian Democrats with the Greens and the Liberals, has failed and this has led to the repetition of the formation of the previous executive. The position of Schultz, a man of the institutions, even before the party, was immediately difficult because he was forced to make a responsible choice towards the country, but that according to some he was at the disadvantage of the party. This last hypothesis, however, could be denied by an economic policy able to favor the most disadvantaged classes and the Social Democratic electorate in order to reverse the aversion of the party base. After all, Merkel herself seems to have realized that the time has come to change her attitude towards austerity policy, which must be attenuated to favor openings favorable to the social classes that have paid the most for the price of these policies. This new policy will have to materialize with an increase in public investment, an increase in youth employment and greater investment in Europe to foster the German future within an increasingly united Europe. On the European question there seems to be an identity of views between Schultz and Merkel, which identify a project that has as its aim the European political union, a change of attitude on the part of Berlin, which must leave the role of defender of the rigidity of budgets, to also provide a different perception to other European countries. In this sense also the increasingly close relations taken by Merkel with the French President, to promote greater European integration, to continue must be supported by concrete initiatives and not merely programmatic. The increase in work, greater purchasing power, ever greater guarantees on social rights and access to functioning welfare systems, are the conditions that can not be ignored to provide a different perception of the European institution, which must pass also for the recovery of internal markets, too compressed by years of austerity. If the great coalition is able to renew itself as political engineering and establish itself in Germany, this will work to open the way for the development of all that part of Europe that will still believe in itself and rediscover that centrality, even political that is not present, but it would be necessary in the current world scenario.