Germany proposes too weak reforms against the eurosceptics

After the exit of the United Kingdom, the growth of anti-Europe movements and, above all, the Italian crisis, the European Union is facing an unprecedented scenario, which, however, had been widely announced. The popular malaise towards the restrictions imposed by the Union, governed by a Germany with an ever more evident financial surplus, produced reactions that were long foreseen, but did not materialize completely. After the British exit, Europe had avoided the French fascist drift, without, however, using the escaped danger to field initiatives against populism. The Italian situation has materialized thanks to the often real perception of the consequences imposed by Europe on the financial level, which have generated deep dissatisfaction in the working classes, especially when compared to the efforts made in favor of banks and financial institutions. The Italians are convinced, and not wrongly, that the structural reforms imposed by Brussels: reduction of labor rights, greater precariousness, retirement age moved forward and substantial lowering of the quality of life, have been too heavy sacrifices and have not had a relapse on the social classes that have endured them and are still supporting them. The question is that the results of these sacrifices have produced poor quality and time-limited jobs and great incentives for companies, incentives that have been used in a bad way because they have not created any virtuous circle capable of creating a stable and quality employment . The number one suspect for the imposition of these policies is Berlin, which rejects these responsibilities. Chancellor Merkel has shown that she is aware of implementing new corrections to prevent European fragility from leading to a breakdown of the general project. If greater economic convergence among member states is considered essential, but without sharing debts and subjecting any credits to the most disadvantaged countries to structural reforms. But if the scheme is that of Greece and also of Italy, the European project can only fail. It should be emphasized that Merkel is hostage in Germany of the growth of German extreme right-wing formations and also of the usual aversion to the danger of inflation, so it can not engage too much in concessions to countries, which most of German society sees as parasites. Basically what Merkel can grant is the maximum Europeanist feeling that is granted to him by his country. But it could not be enough to propose a European Monetary Fund together with a project of joint intervention troops detached from the Atlantic Alliance system. Although the pact of government of the forces in power in Germany, People and Socialists, foresees the centrality of the executive action focused on the reform of the European Union, the policy put in place by the Socialist Minister of Finance appears as the continuity of the previous dicastery , centered on the fight against inflation. The fear is that any reforms proposed by the German government are too incisive and functional only to credit the German will to reform the Union; also because if the German state does not intervene on its budget surplus will continue to increase the difference with other states, fueling the feeling that Europe is functional to Germany as its economic zone of influence where to impose its own rules to benefit from its companies. With Italy less collaborative and Spain grappling with the transition of government, French President Macron appears more isolated in the search for an action to convince Germany to change its positions and this creates, in the short term, a German reinforcement; but if Berlin does not change direction along with the European bankruptcy, which will no longer guarantee the advantages to Germany, there will also be to analyze the progressive German weakening on the world level.