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Beyond the widely anticipated confirmation of Joe Biden as Democratic presidential candidate, who will challenge Trump in the race for the White House, two prominent points emerged in the Democratic convention, which should not be underestimated because they indicate an evolving political line within the party: a necessary dialogue between right and left that will necessarily have to evolve, both in the electoral campaign phase, but, above all, in the event of victory. Biden, politically, is a man of the center and his choice for the presidential candidacy is mainly due to this characteristic: a median position capable of gathering political positions around his figure that are also distant but united by the need to change the leadership of the White House. The presence of several Republican speakers at the Democratic convention indicates a malaise of a large part of Trump's party, intolerant of its poor attitude to politics, sudden changes of course and also its inexperience and inadequacy. Republicans who support Biden are part of the tradition of the party, perhaps now a minority, that defeated by the tea party and how badly they digested the characteristics of such an anomalous head of state. Their support appears sincere and it is a support they would never have secured for Sanders; Biden, despite some differences, is probably closer to traditional Republicans than Trump is, but this support will not be free, that is, it will not be enough to defeat Trump and change president, in addition to a new conduct in the national and international field, Biden will have to please the Republicans who will support him with decisions close to their positions. It could be a return to the past, when the differences between Democrats and Republicans were not many, however recent times in US politics have seen a radicalization of political positions, which have evolved towards a greater polarization typical of the right-left confrontation. If in the Republicans the supporters of the tea party prevailed, in the Democratic party a similar situation did not occur, the center component still prevails, but it is also true that the left has grown to high levels, especially among the younger ones, by placing a mortgage on the party's future addresses, which, however, still appears distant. In any case, the success of Bernie Sanders, despite the defeat, highlights a substantial relevance of the left in the Democratic party, a party that claims social reforms certainly in contrast with the Republicans who support Biden. For now, the great need to defeat Trump forces the left to adapt to a pattern it doesn't like (some of Sanders' voters don't like Biden, but probably won't want to repeat the mistake they made with Clinton), but after what relations may be between these different components of the alliance? The perception is that any problem of this type is postponed after Biden's eventual success, leaving a glimpse of a path in small steps, which could reveal an underlying weakness on government programs: a factor capable of subverting the forecast, which is favorable for now. to the democratic candidate. Perhaps this has decreed the need to create an electoral base as extensive as possible: the recruitment of Republicans must serve to take the votes of those disappointed by Trump, but also to prevent the repetition of a possible Clinton effect, which resulted in the victory of the president in charge thanks to the abstention of the democratic left. In any case, the aversion to policies and ways combined with the awareness of being able to do better than the current tenant of the White House remains the main electoral program, capable of uniting such different political souls. In the event of a victory, mediating between these almost opposite parties will represent the greatest difficulty for Biden, who will have to draw on all his political and mediation experience to have the leadership of the country: but, basically, he was chosen precisely for this reason. .
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