The downward evolution of American foreign policy, culminating in the hasty retreat from Afghanistan, is a downward trend that brings the North American country ever closer to the loss of world leadership. Although Washington is still the first world power, the gap, not only of China, with other superpowers is decreasing considerably. We went from a bipolar scenario in the Eighties, with the USA competing with the USSR, to a phase, following the collapse of the Soviet giant, of a substantial role as the only major planetary power to an upcoming multipolar scenario, where the House Bianca, is unlikely to have a decisive influence on all international issues. The USA will probably remain the first world power, but with China very close and with a series of regional players able to make their role felt in more restricted areas, but where the specificity of exercising their own weight will represent an obstacle. to those who want to play a role of planetary supremacy. This is true both for geopolitical strategies, which include military assets, and for economic ones, often inextricably linked to balances of a political nature, where the religious component is also emerging. The American decline began evidently with Obama, who did not want to engage in the Syrian conflict, Trump continued with his vision of leaving foreign policy, with the idea of diverting resources into the domestic economy, miscalculating and vision, that in order to be the first, it is also necessary to engage in external theaters; in the end Biden arrived, who thwarted years of fighting terrorism, with a withdrawal that was supposed to stabilize his consensus, obtaining, instead, the unexpected result of a general aversion to this decision even within his own party. Three presidents, one after the other, were wrong because they evaluated the weight of the polls too much, adapting to the general trend of the short-term vision, they did not stimulate the allies effectively, they fossilized on exclusively military tactics, without considering the adequate importance of social infrastructures and the involvement of the good part of the local populations, an attitude that has favored an ineffective and corrupt bureaucracy. These mistakes have not been made just once, but have been repeated in various intervention scenarios and protracted over time and clearly denounce an inadequacy of both the American political and administrative class: shortcomings that a state that wants to exercise world leadership cannot afford. ; however, these errors are even more serious in a greatly changed international situation, which has seen the arrival of new competitors capable of shaking American supremacy. Certainly China is the main competitor: Beijing's economic advance, however, had to prevent the US from remaining in a state of lack of variation, characterized by a lack of clarity and foresight, that is, a small-scale coastal navigation which has made one lose sight of the whole whole and has determined a closure in itself, which has also compromised for long stretches relations with the main allies, the Europeans. But Europe itself proved to be a weak link in American foreign policy, not that this was an unknown aspect and that it had also been convenient for the Americans, only that in the changed context, having allies that are always too dependent has proved deleterious. The US needs Europe and vice versa, if only to try to slow down the Chinese economic advance, but this goal is too limiting if Western values are to prevail, and it is on this issue that the US must ask itself: to go beyond its immediate interests to collect more in the future, also from a geostrategic point of view, as well as an economic one. Only by further integrating the action of the US and Europe can a supremacy be reaffirmed, no longer American but Western. A great deal of mediation work is needed because the challenges and scenarios will be multiple and not all of them will be able to impose a synthesis that is not always reachable, but this is the only way to be able to try to contain terrorism and dictatorships and find new ways for the affirmation of democracy, even in different forms but such as to overcome political and religious dictatorial forms, which want to infiltrate our imperfect democracies.
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