Iran on the eve of the election

In Iran on the eve of elections have outlined the grid of the competitors who will compete for the office of President of the country. The difficult economic situation in Iran, due to the pressure of international sanctions for the nuclear issue and the position of the nation in the international arena will be the key topics which will focus on the election debate that will lead to the elections of 14 June. For now, the election issues, however, are less central to the list of candidates that will be allowed to participate in the electoral competition. The exclusion of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, and Esfandiar Rahim Mashaie is currently the predominant element of the debate in the country, which marks a major point in favor of the conservative wing of the country, aimed at maintaining the status quo existing in Iran. Already the situation of the reformist appears very weak and the past four years by protests from the re-election of Ahmadinejad are served at the most conservative sectors of the country, the real holders of power, to weaken even more attempts to move towards a progressive alternative to the existing focused on the more extreme climate theocracy. The situation of the opposition groups is that of a half-secret, which has placed them at the edge of the political and administrative Iran, isolating them from civil society with police operations. Citizenship is generally weakened by the severe economic situation and the most common feeling is that of a grim resignation. Despite this situation, were two reformist candidates who showed up to the elections, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, but their complaints about the electoral fraud have been convicted under house arrest. The exclusion of Rafsanjani, former president of the country in the period 1989-1997, was justified, although in a veiled way, with advanced age, in fact the 78 years of the excluded candidate, are only an excuse that indicates which is the real will of the guardians of orthodoxy: Iran present in all the social strata, is not monolithic system that you want to do and believe a possible claim, or worse, a narrow defeat Rafsanjani, could push the country towards protests as four years earlier. It should be noted that Rafsanjani is not a real reformer, but his address potential is interpreted by the Guardian Council, to a pragmatism that could lead to significant openings in the life of the state, as had happened in the nineties of the last century. For Mashaei great ally of the outgoing president, instead it is a rejection addressed to Ahmadinejad, who can not participate for the second consecutive term after the law, which is a man of faith. The ruling elites of the country did not like the setting of the populist conservative but outgoing president, which has altered the supposed purity of the state founded on a religious basis. Both the excluded were an element of fear to the ultra-conservative who sought to preserve the country from the smallest sign of renewal, this exclusion, which took place at the expense of two personalities anything but reformist in an absolute sense, but they could make some variation in this direction in a relative sense, it reflects how the Orthodox circles of the regime fear any change, even the smallest, for fear that this will cause the landslide of the castle of clay on which the system of the Iranian state. The need to put boundaries ever closer to the maintenance of the established order, and even to increase it, noted the great concern of the dominant groups of the need to foreclose every possible opportunity to change the status quo, or it may cause immediately forms of degeneration, for the dominant view, the system towards building institutions completely opposite sign. A demonstration of this is sufficient to observe the eight candidates for president who was not allowed to compete, among them include Saeed Jalili, the chief negotiator on the nuclear issue, Mohammad Qalibaf, mayor of Tehran, Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, a former speaker of the Iranian parliament, Ali Akbar Velayati, former foreign minister, Mohsen Rezai, former chief of the Pasdaran. These characters are all conservatives declared safe and loyalty to the Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. The three other candidates are obscure characters with no chance of victory if it is manifestly popular support needed and have been included to give a semblance of electoral competition plurality being older members era reformist Khatami's former chief nuclear negotiator Hasan Ruhani , the former Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref telecommunications and former minister Mohammad Gharazi. In fact, the votes could focus on reformist Mohammad Reza Aref, who had announced the withdrawal of candidacy if it had been allowed to participate Rafsanjani, but it is a candidate deemed too weak to point to a statement, and this confirms the impression that the its inclusion has been dictated by a desire to present a grid of applications where it is not possible to criticize the lack of representation of all the political spectrum, at least in broad outline. So what is emerging for Iran is still a future where the affirmation of the theocratic conservatism is seen as a continuation of the positions that have marked the recent history of the country, a country closed to the outside and Perched in the defense of a vision based too much on the religious aspect seen as a factor regulating the common life of the nation and distinctive in international politics, able to enhance the excess of the importance of considering, and be the lead nation of the Scythians in the world.