After the Italian vote, the importance of the action of Berlin and Paris, for Europe, grows

If before the Italian vote, one could also assume an important role for Rome, as a preferential partner of the alliance between France and Germany, to restore centrality to the European project, the electoral outcome compromised this possibility due to the success of the distinguished formations from skepticism to Europe. The defeat of the Democratic Party, the main proponent of pro-European politics, was provoked by a neoliberal policy, which was perceived as a betrayal by the working class, which was to be defended by this political formation; moreover, too much pervasive was the admixture with finance, which provoked the rescue of banks that had too used speculation instead of prudent management of savings. The Italian voter has found new alternatives, looking, however, exclusively to the reasons of domestic politics and very little to the community reasons. If this analysis has any element of truth it must also be specified that not only the economic policies of the Democratic Party have decreed its defeat, but also the unconditional adherence of the last executive to the policies of financial rigor imposed by Brussels; so it is certainly not wrong to say that the European Union contributed in a preponderant way to the defeat of the Italian political force, which supported it most. This assumption might seem a paradox but it is not: in fact, the increase in poverty, youth unemployment and inequality has been determined by the obligatory indications of Brussels. Italian voters understood this cause-effect and did not give credit to the promises of a relaxation of the financial rigor, which Europe had promised. In France we did not risk a result similar to the Italian one, because against the French president there was the extreme right and French citizens would have preferred any alternative to a neo-fascist government: in fact they now have a liberalist, who satisfies a very small audience in terms of economics. In Germany, the charisma of Chancellor Merkel, despite a less evident electoral result than the previous ones, has allowed a very difficult agreement with the Social Democrats, which makes it possible to continue the European path. In Italy there have not been the conditions to allow the Europeanist formations to have an acceptable electoral result, not only in a positive sense, but not even a fallback to ward off other dangers. Now the Italian vote raises eloquent questions to France and Germany, as main protagonists of the European path. In other words, what occurred with the Italian vote, which, precisely because of the importance of Italy within the Union, is certainly not comparable with the Hungarian or Polish attitude, is a real alarm for the holding of the European project, but it is also an opportunity to correct the mistakes of the past, not only for what concerns economic and financial factors, but also for the management of common problems, such as immigration, where Rome has remained too lonely to cope with the absence of other European partners and central institutions in Brussels. What is needed is a very different attitude from the one held so far especially by Berlin, which, with the excuse of continental rigor, has given the impression of protecting its own production reality. On the other hand, more than ever, a stronger and more autonomous Europe is necessary, given the tenant present at the White House, whose objective is to divide the European members to take advantage of them on the international markets. The role of Berlin and Paris must be to revitalize European politics with tangible acts that improve the condition of the European populations through expansive policies capable of creating jobs and increasing income. Only in this way can we limit the skepticism towards the common Euroean home, which is increasingly indispensable in the challenges imposed by globalization and the continuous changes in world order.