The issue of migrants is instrumental in weakening the European Union

So the return of the will to assert its national sovereignty against European unity has highlighted how the right-wing parties to the government in Europe are, in words, in agreement, but when it comes to the moment to find practical solutions it is highlighted the profound opposition caused by the respective objectives, in mutual contrast. On the other hand, Italian interests can not be the same as those of Austria or Germany or the countries of the Visegrad bloc; the problem of primary emigration, that of those who arrive for the first time on European soil, is in open contrast with the interests of those who do not want secondary emigration, the one that occurs between the states of the Union. The political weight of the right-wing parties has led to less flexibility in the relations between states regarding the migration problem, establishing a rigidity of their respective attitudes due to the prevailing of particular interests over the general ones. The great responsibility for this situation can be attributed to the passive attitude of Brussels towards the states of Eastern Europe, which have refused the division of migrants without any sanction; along with this aspect must also be recognized a too condescending approach of Germany, as the most important European country, which has not taken a firmer position against the countries of Visegrad, perhaps to protect its economic interests. It must also be said that the Italian behavior of previous governments, even in a line of aid and support to migrants, has never been too firm with Europe, preferring, sometimes, to leave refugees free in other European countries. However, what central institutions do not seem to have understood is that immigration, despite being a real problem, is the means by which populist and anti-European movements use to discredit Brussels. In fact, the phenomenon is numerically still contained, especially when compared to the amount of refugees hosted in other countries of the world. The feeling is that we want to exacerbate internal situations, an example of all that of Bavaria, to force governments, even those who are not right, to lock themselves up and develop forms of recourse on the neighboring country. The situation between Germany and Austria exerts this scenario well, which can directly involve Italy. If before it was a conflict essentially between the countries of Eastern Europe and the other European members, now the feeling is that we are all against everyone, with the real danger of bringing the Union back to a situation further back in time ; in fact, if the free circulation were to come to an end, and it is a real danger, a condition that is considered essential for European unity would be lacking. One can not help but think that this eventuality is arrived at in a non-random but scientifically studied way to weaken Europe. Moreover, the European rights advocate a lesser European presence in the internal politics of the states, just to recover a greater space for maneuvering legislation and government and this is not a mystery but falls within their programs and electoral proclamations. At this moment, strongly critical of European unity, Brussels should take responsibility for the reasons that led populist formations to government and put into practice measures to remedy the previous political guidelines, beginning to loosen the budgetary constraints, sanctioning who does not respect the community directives and think about policies that do not penalize the southern members of Europe. At this stage it would be important for central institutions to exercise an effective role of mediation among the states, looking for opportunities to become protagonists and rediscover the lost relevance and authority. This is also because, once again, the feeling is that Brussels has an attitude of immobilism that seems to support the interests of the state rather than the European ones and in this way the erosion of power of the Union is facilitated. The issue of migrants appears even more instrumental if one thinks of the mass of reactions that has triggered, considerably lower than what was raised for economic decisions, which have had a much greater impact on the lives of European citizens and nations. In this historical moment, then only the European institutions can save themselves by concretely demonstrating all their specific weight for the continent.