The lowest level of English politics

What is being consumed in Britain seems increasingly to be political suicide. The work of the Premier, but also of the head of the Labor Party, reveals an insecure conduct that is incapable of taking a firm and convinced position. It should be remembered that the referendum on the British exit from the European Union was only consultative and therefore not binding, but this did not prevent the political forces from transforming it into a functional medium with which to try to satisfy an angry electorate, but to which they were not clear the consequences of this decision. Suddenly the part of the voters opposed to the Union, even if of little majority to those who wanted to continue to be part of Europe, had greater relevance in the British political scene. The appeals of those who clearly illustrated the destiny to which the United Kingdom would have gone were not useful: the deep nationalism and the wrong resentment against the continent have determined a direction of the confused and inconclusive English politics. The bad management of the issue was conditioned by the desire not to upset the electorate who won the referendum, but also not to irritate the losers too much. The lack of important politicians capable of managing a difficult situation, however, has completed the picture, so we have reached the absurd obligation to participate in the European electoral competition, where the worst face of the British political society is given the advantage, thanks to an overt ignorance of government and London opposition. The conservative party, already severely punished in the administrative elections, is deeply divided into at least three parts: those in favor of leaving without agreement, those in favor of the exit agreed with Brussels and those against. The Labor party has not been able to take advantage of this division because it is also internally divided, the Liberal Democratic Party is the only political force declaredly opposed to leaving Europe, but does not seem to have the necessary strength to collect all the in favor of remaining in the Union, confirming that it is still a marginal political subject in British politics, and finally the panorama seems to be dominated by skeptical training on Europe, where probably the votes of conservatives who want to leave without agreement and the disappointed will converge. political action of the Premier. In this scenario, the proposal for a new referendum arrives out of time because it had to be done a long time ago, but with more information and the political weight of being a binding decision for the executive. The experience of having called a referendum in a hasty manner and without the due information to an audience of voters conditioned only by the Eurosceptic action is not served. The traditional parties are opposed to re-engaging the electorate directly in the matter, preferring a clumsy gestone of the story, when, instead, a clarifying and definitive referendum could put things in the right perspective for a conscious evaluation by the electorate. It is not clear if there is a will of omnipotence or the fear of losing control of political activity, something that has already partly happened, in any case there is also the aspect, not secondary, of having worn down the negotiation with Europe losing all kinds of international credibility. The referendum, in short, will not be repeated, the fate of the Premier is that of resignation, which will conclude only part of the story, because the future is impossible to imagine, if not with a scenario of maximum division of national integrity and a relative development to the totally disastrous economy.