The protests that took place in Cuba last July 11 provoked a strong repression which resulted in a series of summary trials, without legal guarantees; the accused are all demonstrators who have been charged with the crimes of public disorder and incitement to crime, despite the fact that the vast majority of the suspects were not guilty of violent acts. The sentences imposed range from ten to twelve months in prison and are the result of trials where it was impossible to ensure the choice of defenders with the consequence of the impossibility of preparing an adequate defense strategy. The fact that the number of detainees has not been officially communicated by the authorities gives an idea of how the Cuban regime intends to operate in an authoritarian manner with the sole purpose of stifling the protest; unofficial sources speak of more than half a thousand arrests, which were followed by some releases, house arrest pending trial and an unspecified number of people who remain in the places of detention for which the trial is expected more quickly. The guarantees of the authorities on compliance with procedural guarantees do not reassure the arrested and their families or even international public opinion, which fears, through these proceedings, a resumption of the repressive activity of the regime. From a practical point of view, the few conceivable days that will elapse between arrest and sentence do not allow for an adequate defense and this circumstance seems to be a functional means of exercising repression with semblance of law. The Cuban judicial authorities have announced possible penalties of up to twenty years of imprisonment for those involved in looting and violent acts, but it seems easy to include in this case also non-violent demonstrators, who are in any case against government policy. The regime itself is, however, at a crucial point: the threat of trials serves to calm the protests, but if the threats are implemented, an increase in protest in the streets appears inevitable, which the government could not cope with except with repressive methods, unleashing international outrage and the possible increase in sanctions; conversely, a more conciliatory attitude could allow the regime an honorable way out. One of the major causes of arrest was that involving those caught filming the repressions: this element focuses on the Cuban government’s habit of censorship, despite the change in power that took place after the Castro dynasty. All these elements have contributed to greater US attention, with the Biden administration stepping up pressure on Cuba with direct sanctions against the defense minister and the special unit that has distinguished itself in the repression of recent demonstrations; Biden's attitude, however, is not a continuation of Obama's attitude, based on the thaw between the two sides, but rather has points of contact with what Trump did, who had re-established the restrictions on travel and trade and maintained by the current tenant of the White House. It remains true that Biden must find a mediation between his own party, where members of the Cuban-American movements are asking for even heavier sanctions, and the left of the party, which would like more attenuated sanctions to reduce the difficulties of the population. The US president, with his staff, in this regard, would be working on solutions capable of alleviating the fallout of the sanctions on Cubans, such as ensuring that remittances from emigrants can reach their destination, making it impossible for the regime to confiscate. A further measure is to try to encourage free access to communications through a use of the internet without censorship. The reactions of the Cuban government have touched the obvious with the accusations that the United States of having organized the protests, despite a certainly very critical economic and social situation, which forces Cubans to very difficult living conditions, despite the many expectations generated by that. which must have been the end of the Castro dynasty.
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