The visit of the Secretary of the Atlantic Alliance to Kiev immediately assumed considerable importance, both for the fact itself and for the reassurances, even if not immediate, that the place of the Ukrainian country will be to become a member of the Western coalition. The Ukrainian president seemed more focused on the problems of the present, asking the Atlantic Alliance for ever greater military support to allow his country to contain Russia and maintain its national unity. The Secretary General's visit to Kiev provoked harsh reactions in Moscow, which recalled that one of the reasons for the conflict, indeed for the special military operation, is precisely to prevent the integration between Ukraine and NATO. The purpose of Stoltenberg's visit was to reiterate support for Ukraine, in the face of world public opinion, both in the past, in the present and also in the future when there will be problems of reconstruction to be addressed, however behind the purpose official, there was a need to agree with Ukraine on full operability with the Alliance in terms of military standards and strategic doctrines, to replace Soviet technologies, which still formed the basis of Kiev's military equipment; all to ensure a more effective response to Russian attacks. To make up for the shortages of its armaments, Ukraine received ex-Soviet materials from the Iron Curtain countries, which were better suited to Kiev's armaments technology, but as the war progressed this was progressively replaced with armaments NATO, for which special training is required. If the contiguity between Ukraine and NATO is increasingly intense on the military field, the Ukrainian president has also claimed greater political involvement and has asked to be invited to the next Vilnius summit in July: something that was ratified precisely in Stoltenberg's visit. Moscow experiences this integration with apprehension, but was almost completely responsible for it; now it is to be understood whether this accession will be able to cause a slowdown or an aggravation of the conflict: because it is one thing to threaten Kiev not to enter the Western area of influence and another thing to fight against a country increasingly within the Western sphere. This step removes a possible factor for interrupting hostilities, which was identified precisely in a sort of impartiality of Kiev, configuring the Ukrainian country as a sort of buffer nation between the West and Russia. With Stoltenberg's visit this scenario seems to be, by now, without any possibility, even if the full entry into the Atlantic Alliance can only be postponed, to avoid a direct entry into the conflict of Western troops on Ukrainian soil. The fundamental fact, however, is that the future can only be that unless Moscow manages to win the war completely by conquering all of Ukraine, with no part excluded: something that does not seem possible given how the country has developed conflict. The future should therefore see NATO troops right on the border between Ukraine and Russia and not only on the borders with Moscow and the Baltic countries and Finland. It is understandable how Putin has already failed in any attempt to remove the Atlantic Alliance and therefore the USA and Europe from his own border line and how his greatest nightmare is materializing, the one to be averted by launching the military operation, which it is ruining the country economically and causing a large number of casualties among Russian soldiers. From this progressive rapprochement between Brussels and Kiev, Moscow emerges weakened both internally and externally, because the projects of its leader are all failing and even a crystallization that stops at the conquered territories implies Ukraine by now definitively entered and permanently in the western orbit, with all that will follow for the prestige of the Russian president.
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