Are Western democracies still legitimate?

The annual report of Doctors Without Borders and the Institute of Studies on Conflicts and Humanitarian Action highlights a dangerous loss of morality, especially from the Western democracies, which, to cope with the problems caused by wars and famines, implement systems of dubious legality and in open conflict with their own founding principles. It ranges from the compromises of Europe with African dictatorial states to stop the migration phenomenon, the American closure wanted by Trump against foreigners until the absolute impunity of Saudi Arabia, a convenient ally of the West, in the repression conducted in Yemen. And the cases are not finished yet. What is the credibility of the European institutions, if they can not resolve the conflicts within them and to convince the countries opposed to host migrants' quotas and as a consequence they sign agreements with the Libyans, who are notoriously inflicting suffering and torture on migrants, that become a source of double income: on the one hand with blackmail to families and on the other with the subsidies that Brussels grants him. The United States, the country of possibilities for all, close the borders and are preparing to become an inaccessible fortress, and Australia protects itself from immigration by confining on migrants almost without services those who would like to land on its shores. What we need to ask ourselves is how legitimate are institutions of countries that say they are democratic: that is, if this meaning is true within themselves, the same countries, if seen in a wider panorama, which goes beyond national or alliance borders , the same legitimacy has the same value. It is not just a question of school or text of political science, but a clear comparison on that enunciated and practiced within the national territories of Western democracies and that, instead, implemented abroad in areas of crisis, with the sole purpose of protecting oneself from phenomena whose inability to manage conditions the same way of acting openly in contrast with one's own principles. In other words, it is absolutely clear that those who refer to values ​​of fairness and equality, as necessary conditions to be able to claim to be democracies, betray this similarity in the way of behaving externally to manage phenomena that are outside the internal dynamics of the state and sometimes also to relations between states. The emigration due to wars and famines, has now escaped the regulation of international law, because it is always disregarded, and is managed with systems that do not respond, except in increasingly minority cases, to a practice consistent with humanitarian values. If this is, although condemnable, but theoretically understandable for those states that are not democracies, this is not admissible for nations that boast of having democratic regimes for years, but this does not interfere in a world context where single interests prevail, understood as interests of the individual states. Not that we are facing a new situation, but after the Second World War we wanted greater importance of supranational organizations, such as the United Nations, at least as a means to resolve the most serious crises. The liberalism that since the eighties of the last century has profoundly influenced not only the economy, but above all politics, has determined, in the long run, a sort of upheaval of the richest countries, which are also identified with the most advanced democracies, in a defense of their positions, even if economic inequality increases within them; however, this inequality is, for now, not much, if compared with the emergency situations due to wars and famines, which would deserve more adequate and supportive responses, if only to avoid dangerous future developments. But this consideration goes beyond the observation that the lack of legitimacy to define democratic regime entails: the danger of the absence of the basic values ​​of democracies could lead to corruption even within these same countries, where, moreover, the advance of movements far right already constitutes a clear signal. Once again the appeal is to those institutions, such as the European Union and in general to all those organizations that are fighting for the affirmation of rights, to a greater commitment against the lack of solidarity towards the last of the world: as an act due and how, too, system of protection against the corruption of their political systems.