The poor prospects of the Italian vote

The Italian political elections are getting closer, but this deadline does not heat up the minds: in the Italian electorate there is a distance, which borders on resignation. The same debates take place almost with detachment, providing a perception of the result already expected. The polls confirm a probable difficulty in reaching a governing government, due both to the new electoral system and to a political balance that will not give victory to any deployment. The presence of the data concerning abstention, which before the value of the last governments and the low level of the candidates, assumes a value that can be attributed more to a disaffection due to the poor quality of the political offer, than to a general lack of interest. The question is not secondary, even if falsely ignored by the political protagonists, because it implies an increasingly marked delegitimization of the ruling class and therefore, of the new (or old) elected in the parliament. This signal was deliberately ignored by the parties, which, in fact, conducted an election campaign made of unattainable programs and therefore far from the needs of the population. The one that is about to be concluded was an electoral campaign conducted in a minor tone because, in the end, it concerned the directors present in the parties and their struggle to secure the leadership positions already decided in increasingly narrow meetings imposed by the community. The separation between that will be elected, of any political party, and the citizenship appears as huge as it has never been before, the theoretical disquisitions to which we have assisted have been the most distant from real problems like work and security, treated only through repeated slogans to infinity. The end result will be a coalition that will put together non-reconcilable parts and which can only carry out the ordinary administration. On the other hand, this is already present in the deployments present: in the center-right positions of the moderates appear very distant from those who want to inspire extreme political conduct, while in the center that emerges is a kind of movement that protects banks and finance, a contradiction that states the farthest away is the social part that is said to want to defend. Even those who have not lined up in coalitions, such as the Five Star Movement, do not seem to be trustworthy for the obvious inexperience and unreliability that has shown. From this scenario any executive that can be formed does not seem able to autonomously bear the weight of the challenges within the European Union and, to look in a wider vision, in increasingly polarized globalization. The Italian destiny appears to be subordinate to Germany and France in Europe, without the possibility of playing a major role on a par with these two countries. In a general context such as that of the Union, a weak government, because without a well-defined unitary address, is a risk because there is the real possibility that Italy sees itself imposing, and therefore suffering, unfavorable decisions also coming from countries with a weight specific far less than the Italian one (the issue of immigration is its natural example). Not only do they seem to serve hypotheses such as creating a national unity government, which aims to revise an electoral law, certainly wrong, but which has just been redone: the possibility that the same people who have approved it will elaborate better and that allows greater governability, can only be seen with extreme suspicion. The future, then, can only be a succession of measures with little impact on the necessary long-term programming, because it is always the result of excessive mediation but necessary to keep a weak executive alive even before being born.