Israel heads toward upcoming elections

 For the upcoming Israeli elections, Benjamin Netanyahu has framed his governing platform with the slogan “Right-wing or Palestine”—a choice that carries significant implications, both domestically and internationally. Reducing the political landscape to this single alternative reveals how narrow the horizon of Israeli policy has become—at least from the perspective of the government and its leader—shifting entirely toward the perpetuation of conflicts (backed by the U.S.) aimed at seizing the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. This functions as a kind of messianic mission to fulfill the ambitions of the extreme Zionist right, while simultaneously serving to ensure Netanyahu’s own political survival and potentially shielding him from domestic—and even international—legal investigations. On Tuesday, November 27, more than 7.2 million voters will head to the polls to determine the new political order. Under an electoral system that functions as a single, nationwide constituency, projections suggest that at least eleven parties could secure seats in parliament. Forecasts point to three potential political blocs: the far-right and ultra-Orthodox parties—along with the Prime Minister’s own faction, which essentially constitutes the outgoing governing coalition—the opposition of moderate Zionists, and the Arab parties. The electorate consists of six million people of Jewish origin and 1.2 million Arab Israelis—descendants of the Palestinians who remained within Israel’s original 1948 borders—resulting in a ratio of one Arab for every six Jews. The Supreme Court overturned the Central Elections Committee’s attempt to bar two Arab lists from participating; yet, this legal ruling stands in stark contrast to the exercise of voting rights in over 200 West Bank settlements—settlements considered illegal under international law. In these locations, votes will largely go to far-right Zionist and religious parties—political factions whose platforms, much like the Prime Minister’s own stated position, call for the annexation of the West Bank. Meanwhile, the nearly three million people living under the Palestinian Authority have no right to vote—unlike the Israeli soldiers stationed in the Gaza Strip. Furthermore, the approximately 630,000 Israelis living abroad will not be able to cast their ballots from their countries of residence—a controversial measure, given that these citizens are generally perceived as holding progressive views. Predicting the outcome is difficult, but the current situation points toward a stalemate, with no political bloc likely to secure the 61 seats required to govern. In this scenario, three possibilities emerge: a national unity government with a rotating premiership, which would offer a precarious path toward governance; a broader coalition involving smaller parties—or political factions disillusioned with their previous alliances—to achieve a difficult, yet potentially viable, governing balance; or, a third possibility—not unprecedented in the nation’s history—which is to hold fresh elections in an attempt to resolve the persistent challenge of governing a country so deeply fragmented, held together solely by the collective will to exist.